Kashmir's Forgotten Exodus

Ethnic Cleansing Of Kashmir's Pandits 

(Kashmir Pandits celebrate Kheer Bhawani)

Please note before reading this article that Alder's Ledge is a blog that attempts to dissect the complicated elements of any given conflict. We recognize that issues such as Kashmir are complex and have many different perspectives and are flooded by emotion and opinion. By looking at the issue through several perspectives while taking in mind the information from our contributors, we try to show the given elements of a conflict or genocide in doses. This allows the reader to digest these elements piece by piece rather than having to look at the issue in it's entirety. With that in mind please take time to read other articles here on this issue to get a better view of the subject. Take time to let the information settle in before allowing emotion to affect your opinions of this article or others one the subject.

As always, we attempt to be as fair as possible to all sides (even the alleged perpetrators) until the issue is completely analyzed. This article is not meant to be a complete analysis of the conflict/genocide. It is rather a single entry into our campaign to explore the crisis in it's entirety.

The conflict that the British initiated upon leaving India was one that the world would not see again nor could barely admit once it began. Sikhs were the initial victims of the bloodletting that occurred upon both sides of the Pakistani-Indian border. They were massacred as the world ignored the plight of a people even England had failed to recognize as vulnerable. Yet this warning sign of what was about to become of Kashmir was totally ignored. It was as if the blood of the Sikhs was just worth a tad bit less than that of the Hindus and Muslims that would soon poor out upon Kashmir's soil. Nobody cared whatsoever.

Every battle, every war, has it's first shots. Before the bullets are loaded, before the soldiers take to the field, there are warning signs. The sabers rattle and the leaders begin to thump their chests. But even before that there is a warning sign the world often ignores. The flight of the weak... the migration of the vulnerable. Those who can see the writing on the wall and afford to run do so as silent messengers to a deaf world. Their footsteps prepare the way for the boots of tyrants. And their tears quench the thirsts of savages.

In Kashmir the paths leading into the valley and out were kept hot by the heels of fleeing civilians. People from both sides of the conflict wanted to make it to their side of the battle line before all hell broke loose. Their mad dash was ignored by the world as India and Pakistan prepared for a war that would never come. Instead, those who fled, those who were trapped would be ground between two bloody states.

When Kashmir became a no-man's land of sorts the people that lived there were left at the mercy of either India or Pakistan. If they happened to be Hindu in Jammu they were considered safe. If they happened to be Muslim and on Pakistan's portion of the land they were considered safe. But those in the valley... those were the victims of both sides. These were the pawns used in Pakistan and India's cold war.

The Pandits

The Pandits (or Brahmins) have been documented in Kashmir as far back as the Lohara Dynasty (established in 1003AD). Their roots in Kashmir are impossible to dispute yet have been hard to maintain over the past several decades. With the introduction of Islam into Kashmir in the 8th century the Pandits have often found themselves attempting to live in peace with the passing kingdoms. And for centuries they had managed to successfully maneuver their way through the shifting religious and political landscape of Kashmir's valley.

Yet modern politics and the desire to brutally open old wounds (and create new ones) has left the Pandit community struggling to cling to the land they once called home. With the violence in Kashmir has come the all to easy use of Pandits as scapegoats for militants and separatists. The fact that Kashmiri Pandits now only number around 2,700 to 3,400 makes their small community even more vulnerable. 

In 1947 the Pandits were estimated to comprise around 14-15% of the total population of Kashmir. By 1981 the Pandits had been reduced to around 5% of the overall population. This was in part due to the land reforms that immediately followed British withdraw from India and the mass migrations that came with them. It was also however contributed to by Pakistani backed harassment of Pandits who attempted to stay behind when the "Line Of Control" was established (officially creating a line of demarcation between Indian and Pakistani Kashmir. Then in the 1980's on through the 90s the continued decline of the community was then helped along by massacres of Pandits committed by groups with military and political backing from Pakistan. 

Of the 600-700 thousand Pandits prior to the waves of migration some now refer to as "the exodus" there is only a remnant left. 

While Pakistan can shoulder some of the blame for helping to instigate the anti-Hindu violence the rest of the blame rest solely upon India's own government. Kashmir, under Indian rule, has always been the Kashmiri Pandits' home. When the 1980's and 90's violence began the Indian government had an obligation to protect the vulnerable Pandit community. It is obvious from the sheer number of troops that India has in the region that this could had easily been achieved. Yet for whatever reason India comes up with from day to day, the Pandit community was allowed to be repeatedly attacked and forced out of their homeland. 

In all reality India did nothing to stop the burning and looting of Pandit peoples' properties, the rapes of Pandit women, and the outright killing of those who attempted to stay or were caught fleeing. Most of India's reactions to the flight of Hindus from the Kashmir valley can be summed up as reactionary while failing to stop the violence at all. Most of the time the response the Indian military gave was more of an opportunistic spree of violence and rape committed against Muslims who had nothing to do with the attacks on Pandit civilians. 

Then there are the accounts that Pandit refugees were treated just as poorly by the Indian government once they reached Jammu as they had been in Kashmir by Muslim insurgents. In some cases the Indian government's military was known to use methods described as "survival sex" in which refugee women were expected to accept rape in exchange for food and water. Yet the Indian regime in Delhi, as always, refused and still refuses to address these abuses against Pandits in Kashmir and Jammu. 

Return Or Separation?

There is an overwhelming urge on the part of the Pandit community in exile to return. Many have been wary of state sponsored "employment packages" designed to help ease the rehabilitation and resettlement of Pandits returning to the valley. Others have expressed some interests in "carving out" a section of Kashmir valley for their resettlement. Yet most simply desire to return without interference of the government outside the simply offering of protection once back in their homeland.

The myth of a Pandit movement to seek a separate state for the Kashmiri Pandits is one that floats around quite often. While there are some who want to be assured a home in Kashmir, the majority want to return to the way life was prior to the exodus. These Pandits have no illusion of a world where Hindus and Muslims dance around singing love songs together but rather a return to the tolerance and communities that once existed before.

For Kashmir to return to this state of peace the two communities have a long way to go. Pandits and Muslims both have to work at deconstructing the barriers the two communities have built up around themselves. The continued desire to blame one side or the other must be worked past. This would most likely be achieved through following the example of Rwanda and how it has recovered from it's own genocide. Yet more likely will be achieved by focusing on the work of groups like Pandit Hindu Welfare Society who are helping to open up dialogue between Pandits and Muslims.

Then comes the reality of the divisions created amongst the communities of those Pandits that stayed behind and those who fled. The two groups do not see eye to eye when recollecting the history of the exodus itself. The Pandits that left typically record the death toll of the massacres considerably higher than those who stayed behind. The level of violence depicted by those who fled is also drastically more dramatically recounted than that depicted by the Pandit's that fled. These differences are hard to get over as Pandits that stayed are reunited with members who left.

These two groups are even more divided when the reality of the emotional and physical toll of the exodus itself is factored in. Members who fled have an entirely different experience than those who stayed behind. Resentment and a lack of empathy can often make either side feel marginalized as one group or the other petitions for recognition of their given stories.

No Easy Answers

In the end the path forward for the Pandits of Kashmir is difficult at best. Neither India or Pakistan has any real political gain or interest in allowing Pandits to return to their homeland. India has shown no real intent to protect Pandits that have decided to return to their homeland. And Pakistan shows little interest in preventing hate filled propaganda from seeping over into the valley.

For the Pandit community in Kashmir and Jammu the long stalemate between India and Pakistan remains a threat in their continued plight. Those who stayed still struggle to find some sense of normalcy in a life where they cling to mere existence. Those who want to return have to live with the uncertainty of what awaits them when they finally do get to go home.

Source Documents
*Note: not all sources are listed.


Aljazeera
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/spotlight/kashmirtheforgottenconflict/2011/07/201176134818984961.html

IBN Live
http://ibnlive.in.com/news/kishtwar-riots-an-isi-bid-at-ethnic-cleansing-defence-expert/422192-3.html

The Hindu
http://www.thehindu.com/news/states/pandits-flock-to-kashmir-valley-to-celebrate-kheer-bhawani/article3469119.ece

Indian Express
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/those-in-power-did-nothing-to-prevent-exodus-say-kashmiri-pandits/1172869/

Press Trust Of India
http://www.ptinews.com/news/3997223_Panun-Kashmir-demands-UT-in-Kashmir-for-resettlement.html

The Wound That Time Cannot Heal

Bangladesh's Persistent Pain
(part of The Darkness Visible series)

(During the War in 1971 the dead were often left unburied.)

“Kill three million of them, and the rest will eat out of our hands.” 

~ President of Pakistan, General Yahya Khan

The war for independence that led to Bangladesh being created out of what had been "East Pakistan" was beyond brutal. This scar upon Bengali past has never truly healed and the wound it leaves upon Bangladesh is often readily visible. On February 5th this wound was ripped wide open as protesters took to Shahbagh Square to show their discontent with the verdict given by the International Crimes Tribunal. The verdict handed down had dealt with the numerous crimes committed during the genocide of 1971. And once again, in the Bengali view at least, the world had sided with Pakistan. 

But what really happened in 1971? 

"It is the most incredible, calculated thing since the days of the Nazis in Poland."

~ as reported by Time magazine, accredited to US officials. 

When Bangladeshis helped elect a nationalist leader, Sheikh Mujib, the Pakistani ruling class decided they had had enough of the "downtrodden races" in East Pakistan". Almost over night the Pakistani military imprisoned Sheikh Mujib and began a campaign of genocide the world was not ready to face. But the storm that was about to be unleashed was not new... it was in fact easily predictable. 

When Pakistan had been cut loose from British rule Bangladesh had been rolled into Pakistani command under the impression that common religious beliefs could bind the two ethnic groups. The racial factor of the unholy union was completely overlooked by Brits and Pakistani officials alike. Britain wanted to be free of the hassles and monetary drag that the region had become. Pakistan wanted control of the region for the resources and power that came with colonial style rule. 

Racist views on the part of Pakistani leaders was evident from the start. Politicians and military personnel alike were openly hostile to the "east Bengalis" they had managed to gain control over. And it was this persistent grinding of their boots upon the neck of Bangladesh that eventually led to bloodshed. Yet this is a fact that Pakistan to this day refuses to admit. 

"East Bengalis…have all the inhibitions of downtrodden races … their popular complexes, exclusiveness and … defensive aggressiveness … emerge from this historical background.”

~ Pakistani General Ayub Khan, 1967

(Stray Dogs Feeding Upon Unburied Bengali Corpse)

When the genocide was initially launched the Pakistani forces set out following the Turkish example laid out in Armenia. During the initial phase of the genocide the Pakistani forces targeted teachers, students, politicians, and community leaders. This was meant to break the Bengali social structure and deprive East Pakistan of its ability to mount a sophisticated form of resistance. It was the same methods employed by The Young Turks, Adolf Hitler, Joseph Stalin, Pol Pot, and Mao. It is the exact method that has been proven successful in every genocide the Pakistani leadership had seen occur prior to 1971. Thus it is evident that the Pakistani government not only knew what they were doing but was intentionally taking on the systematic slaughter of Bangladesh. 

From the very beginning Pakistani military officials had already set a quota for just how many Bengali civilians they wanted to have killed by the end of the year. The acting President of Pakistan, General Yahya Khan, ordered his troops to kill at least three million Bangladeshi civilians so as to "bring the others under control". From that point it was clear that the military would continue to use methods indicative of ethnic cleansing to clear vast areas of Bangladesh and cull the overall population. 

The second wave of the genocide came as Pakistani troops established "rape camps" and permitted troops on patrol to carry out gang rapes of any Bengali women or girls they came across. This portion of the genocide once again mirrored the heinous acts carried out by The Young Turks during the Armenian Genocide. This act of demanding that Bengali females "offer comfort" for the occupying Pakistani troops was a double bladed sword. First it offered Pakistani troops a perverted moral boost as they were given permission to rape any girl of any age they desired. And ultimately it allowed Pakistani officials to cut the birth rate across the Bengali population. 

The second part of using rape as a weapon was complicated in its intent. By bringing "shame" upon the Bengali female victim the Pakistani forces could multiply their initial crime. If the victim was not raped to death and survived the camps or rape patrols she would be forced to live with the crime. This meant that she was forced to hide her "shame" from her family and community or face being ostracized by her own family. In extreme cases the rape victim could face exile from her community or even the rare "honor killing". All of this was known by Pakistani officials and intended by employing rape as a method of ethnic cleansing. 

"In East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) [General Agha Mohammed Yahya Khan and his top generals] also planned to murder its Bengali intellectual, cultural, and political elite. They also planned to indiscriminately murder hundreds of thousands of its Hindus and drive the rest into India. And they planned to destroy its economic base to insure that it would be subordinate to West Pakistan for at least a generation to come. This despicable and cutthroat plan was outright genocide."

~ R.J. Rummel, Statistics of Democide: Genocide and Mass Murder Since 1900

The final phase, though carried out throughout the genocide, was distinctly religious in the fact that Pakistani forces targeted Hindu individuals living within East Pakistan. This shows the Pakistani desire to use genocide to cleanse the area they wished to keep under Pakistani rule of outside religions. The fact that Pakistan intentionally targeted Hindus isn't a surprise either... in fact it too could have been predicted by the British and UN long before Pakistan slaughtered them in the 1971 genocide. 

When Pakistan and India were carved out of British held territory the issue of religion came to the surface almost immediately. In the initial fighting the Muslims of what is now Pakistan used ethnic cleansing to attempt to push all Hindus and Sikhs out of what was then West Pakistan. The Hindus on the Indian side of the border also turned to ethnic cleansing to attempt to push all Muslims and Sikhs over the border into what was then West Pakistan. This genocide was complex in the fact that both Hindus and Muslims engaged in genocide to gain their territorial aspirations while Sikhs were caught in the crossfire. It was not the case in 1971 when Pakistani forces engaged in genocide in what was then East Pakistan. 

The intentional targeting of Hindus in Bangladesh was however a point in the genocide where the fog of war blurs the lines between Pakistani guilt and Bengali complacency. There is no denying that Bengali citizens helped Pakistani forces in their genocidal ambitions in clearing out Hindus and the businesses they had built in Bangladesh. Through greed, lust, and outright hatred; Bangladeshi civilians were lured into cooperating with Pakistani forces. 

However, no matter how many Bengali forces helped, the original sin of organizing and instigating of genocide still laid with Pakistani politicians and military leaders. Both ethnic Bengalis and Hindus alike were targeted and slaughtered in the genocide. The means and excuses for doing so may have varied. But the results were the same in both communities. 

(Rayerbazar Killing Field, 1971)

"The genocide and gendercidal atrocities were also perpetrated by lower-ranking officers and ordinary soldiers. These “willing executioners” were fueled by an abiding anti-Bengali racism, especially against the Hindu minority. "Bengalis were often compared with monkeys and chickens. Said General Niazi, ‘It was a low lying land of low lying people.’ The Hindus among the Bengalis were as Jews amongst the Nazis: scum and vermin that [should] best be exterminated. As to the Moslem Bengalis, they were to live only on the sufferance of the soldiers: any infraction, any suspicion cast on them, any need for reprisal, could mean their death. And the soldiers were free to kill at will. The journalist Dan Coggin quoted one Pakistani captain as telling him, "We can kill anyone for anything. We are accountable to no one." This is the arrogance of Power."

~ R.J. Rummel, 'Death by Government'

In the end the government of Pakistan was guilty of killing an estimated 1.5 million Bangladeshi civilians. This number was only half of the intended 3 million Bengalis the Pakistani government had intended to kill during the genocide (officially 'Operation Searchlight'). The only reason for the shortfall in the total number killed however was not failure of intent but military defeat at the hands of stiff resistance to Pakistani tyranny. 

Matthew J. White, in his 2012 book The Great Big Book of Horrible Things, estimates the total Bengali civilian death toll at 1.5 million. R.J. Rummel wrote that, "Consolidating both ranges, I give a final estimate of Pakistan's democide to be 300,000 to 3,000,000, or a prudent 1,500,000." And yet Pakistan is only willing to admit (rarely) that they did kill 5,000–35,000 in Dhaka, and 200,000 across Bangladesh as a whole. But most of the time Pakistan isn't even willing to admit to even the 5,000 figure. Most Pakistani politicians and historians fiercely defend the actions of their government in Bangladesh and insist that any deaths were justified and could never be considered "genocide" or even "massacres". 

(Bengali Militia Executing Pakistani Spies After Pakistan's Surrender)

The outside world both during and after the Bengali Genocide remained oddly silent. UN officials felt that it was more important to address the massacres Bengalis committed against minorities after the Liberation War (another term for the genocide carried out by Pakistan in 1971 due to its leading to Bangladeshi independence). US officials sought to pacify Pakistan and grow an alliance with the defeated nation as US interest in the area increased with Soviet involvement in the region sparked. Europe simply looked the other way as they focused on US involvement in Vietnam and other special interest in the region that seemed more important at the time. 

As time has passed the wound that this genocide left has festered and reopened almost routinely. UN organizations continue to focus on Bangladeshi war crimes while appearing to excuse Pakistani involvement in the genocide. With every snubbing of the massive loss of life the United Nations once again fails to realize it's promise of "Never Again". It also continues to drive a thorn into the side of both Pakistan and Bangladesh as the two nations continue to argue about the historic facts of that ill-fated 1971 war.

Till Bangladesh is given closure the history of the genocide that formed the nation will never be given a chance to heal. Much like other nations who have suffered genocide, Bangladesh will never be fully able to close this chapter of their history in a healthy manner let alone recognize their loss in a way that could heal the national wound. Instead the lives of those lost will continue to haunt the two nations and those who continue to live with their tainted history.